Thursday 28 April 2011

Winds of Change: Arunachalee in Tradition and Transition

Raju Barthakur

RAJU BARTHAKUR  is a young scholar interested in travel writing and cultural studies. He teaches English at Bihpuria College, Lakhimpur, Assam
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Globalization, a term in vogue since 1980s, is primarily a referent to the process of expansion of economy from a developed to a developing nation and the opening up of the markets of hitherto  insular economies of the world.  While the attempt has been to create a “global village”, ensuring a “mainstream presencing” of the “marginalized” groups, this process in the recent years, has however, resulted in making the silence of the “other” more deafening than ever. Questions pertaining  to what would  happen to ethnic and cultural  identities  suddenly  become more relevant in the emerging scenario of global ethnoconvergence. Globalization has put the concept of identity in a vortex of crisis, as Kobena  Mercer (1994) avers, “something  fixed, coherent and stable is displaced by the experience of doubt and uncertainty.”

It is against such a backdrop that the question of tribal identity has gained prominence all over the world today. It is more so in India because of a considerable tribal population dotting across central and the Northeastern states.

Arunachal Pradesh alone, for instance, is home to around twenty-three major tribes and one hundred and six sub- tribes. Thus, being predominantly tribal, with  unique customs and practices, the question of identity  and upholding of the indigenous culture has become a real challenge against the s(co)urge of globalization.

Racially, the people of the state are of mongoloid, paleo- mongoloid and proto-mongoloid origins. Dr. Verrier Elwin (1955) refers to the people and the societal set up of the erstwhile North East Frontier Agency (NEFA) as one that “ascends for hundreds of years into the mist of tradition and mythology”. The major tribes of the state include the Monpas, Sherdukpens, Hill Miris, Nyishis, Apa Tanis, Adis, Mishmis, Noctes, Singphos, and Khamptis and so on. Ancient lore, legends, and myths are transgenerated orally from generation to generation that underline the cultural identity of the people.
The linguistic and cultural diversity that prevail within the geopolitical entity and their harmonious co-existence is often  perceived to be an “interesting philological puzzle” by ethnologists and anthropologists alike. This diversity is evident in the costumes, rituals, and religious practices of the people that differ from tribe to tribe even though they reside within the same geographical area. The Monpas of the East and West Kameng districts, for instance, are the believers of the Lamaist Mahayana school of Buddhism. The typical Monpa dress includes a chuba or a “cloak” usually made of coarse woolen dyed in red. The Monpa man cuts his hair in a straight line just above the eyes and at the level of the nape behind his neck. Though closer to the Monpas in religious and cultural beliefs, a Sherdukpen male, on the other hand, is starkly discernible in his cropped hair and the unique skullcap ¯ the gurdam he uses. This cap is made of yak hair with short tassel like projections jutting down from the sides. Despite being geographically proximate to each other, the Sherdukpen males wear the sapo, as against the chuba of the Monpas. The sapo diagonally covers the upper part of the body over which a full-sleeve jacket is usually worn. Further, a machete, commonly known, as dao in a scabbard is usually a part of the Sherdukpen attire.

Speaking of the headgear, the Nyishis  of the Lower Subansiri and the Papum Pare districts wear a wickerwork helmet surmounted by the red-dyed beak of the hornbill. It might also have the additional decoration of hornbill feathers. Usually a bun of plaited hair called podum with a brass skewer horizontally stuck through protrudes on the forehead. Similar examples can be drawn from other tribes inhabiting  the state, all-adding  to a single-knit identity of the Arunachalee while maintaining their cultural and traditional individuality.

Such cultural and traditional diversities, combined with geographical inaccessibility have rendered a sense of exotic charm to the notion of Arunachal and the Arunachalee himself. Historically speaking, the state remained virtually closed to any external influence with almost no appreciable industrial  or infrastructural set up. Even now, there is a considerable prevalence of the primitive subsistence economy. This is primarily because of the administrative principle of exclusion adopted by the British government and followed by the succeeding Indian governments. The British rulers in India were sagacious enough  to  realize the  need for  special administrative  provision  for  the areas under  tribal domination in accordance with the spirit of their customs and religion. Thus, they formed these regions into special Non-Regulation  Tracts to be administered by simpler methods directly by the Deputy Commissioner. In accordance with  the special provision,  the Inner Line Regulation was formulated in 1873, thus paving the way for the formation  of the Union Territory  of Arunachal Pradesh in 1972 and later on a full-fledged  state. As a result, the state has seen almost no investment in terms of economy and the urban centres came into existence in most cases as the administrative  head quarters of a district or subdivision with no locational advantage.

With the passage of time however this sense of isolation has become problematic, as the people have found  it increasingly tough to reconcile to the disadvantages. The people of the state have started making  vociferous demands for development and resented the peripheral treatment towards it by the rulers at the centre. And ironically,  the demand for change has created a deep schism within the society, as there is a dilemma over the question of preserving indigenous identities, on one hand,  and embracing change by aligning  with  the mainstream, on the other.
The spread of education in recent times has resulted in making the people aware of the need of preserving their unique  identities  while  freeing themselves from  the traditional  and customary aloofness in a balanced way in order to usher in a healthy development. This quest for preservation of ethnic identity  is manifested in the way various organizations  of the state are leading a movement demanding expulsion and repatriation of the Chakma, Hajong, Tibetan and Bangladeshi refugees. At times, this angst finds a powerful expression against the non-Arunachalees too, particularly  those from North India and Assam.

But it is the exotic charm that has resulted in opening the gates of the state to outsiders. And  it has started reaping benefits too. The state abounds in scenic natural splendour – unexplored and pristine.  This singular aspect has succeeded in  arresting the appeal of the tourists to explore the unexplored.  The boom in the tourism  sector has widened the employment opportunities for the locals. With its rich bio-diversity and hotspots for adventure sports along with a regular hosting of such festivals as Buddha Mahotsava and Siang Festival have increased the inflow  of tourists into the state. The exotic insularity, thus, in a way, has become a marketable product and Arunachal, a brand name. This is slowly morphing into a convergence of cultures that posits a potent challenge to the hitherto insular nature of the Arunachalee society. It is also symptomatic of the emerging problematic of preserving “the indigenous identity.”

A steady erosion of the traditional  religious beliefs in favor of Christianity further compounds the problem of defining the indigenous identity. The onset of globalization  has witnessed  a series of attempts  at proselytization  of the Arunachalees thereby putting  a question mark on the viability of the indigenous religious practices. The predominant Western view on the religion of the tribal “is more than a mixture of all the various idolatries and superstitions.” However, this perspective brazenly sidelines the devout practitioners of the Mahayana and Hinayana forms of Buddhism  by the Monpas, the Sherdukpens and the Khamptis respectively along with the Noctes who follow the Mahapurusa form of Vaishnavism. Instead of practicing idolatries and superstitions, M.L.Bose (1997), while writing on the spirit of religion in the tribal world speaks about the “dualism of body and soul” that bears on the interpretation of the “material and spiritual aspects of the phenomenal world.”

The practice of Donyi-poloism by the Adis exemplifies this. Irrespective of this fact however a conspicuous lack of religious scriptures, regular systems of prayer and permanent places of worship too, is providing a boost to religious conversions. Christianity, propagated as something  more organized and secure, weans away people from  their  traditional  religious  practices. The education imparted by Christian missionaries is also a force to reckon with, as people perceive it to be a gateway to success in life. Thus, there is a conscious attempt at inculcation of Western values and ideas with missionaries acting as pliant  facilitators.  These neo-converts have suddenly become more relaxed and too inhibited towards traditional  songs, dances, festivals and rituals. Instead there seems to be a formation  of an alternate identity that is marked by its calculated rejection of the tribal roots and the conscious adoption of a hybridized form of identity. In the process of embracing globalization, thus, in Arunachal Pradesh we find a gradual shift from the clan-based totemistic set up to a translocalized social stratum, a cohesive sphere of ethnic solidarity  slowly giving way to a heterogenised cultural formation.

The impact of globalization is often group and region specific. Notwithstanding the fact that it is largely responsible for  converging  the world  into  a “global village” from a macroscopic view point, globalization is also responsible for creating intra-group  schisms, especially within such closeted societies as we have in Arunachal Pradesh; the ramifications of which further obfuscates in  forming  and  defining  the  sense of indigenous identity(ies). Thus, on one hand, while we find the educated local inhabitants of the state are apacing themselves with  their more advanced counterparts in other parts of the globe, their educationally challenged and financially  strained brethren, who are religiously tied to their generationally beheld traditions, for whom it is too late to embrace the newer challenges and lucrative opportunities. Thus globalization is turning out to be a force that is divisive in nature and in the face of which they are no more than mute spectators. It is true that in today’s world change is only permanent. But at the same time, we must ensure that the changes are proportional to the needs of the society, rather  than  embracing something blindly  and aping others without caring for tradition, cultural values and society specific needs.

References
Bose, M.L. History of Arunachal Pradesh. Delhi, 1997 Chaudhury, J.N. Arunachal Panorama. Shillong, 1973
Elwin, Verrier. India’s North East in the Nineteenth Century. Shillong, 1955
Elwin, Verrier. A Philosophy for NEFA. Shillong, 1959
Mercer, Kobena. Welcome to the Jungle. London, 1994
Mibang,  Tamo. “Relevance of Indigenous  Religion.” Arunachal University Research Journal, Vol.1, 1996.
Riba, Tomo. “‘Tribes  in Transition—Advent of a New Religion: A Study on the Impact of Christianity on the Tribes of Arunachal Pradesh.” Arunachal University Research Journal. Vol.6, 2003.
Riba, Tomo. “Gallongs: Their Belief and Eco-system.” Arunachal University Research Journal.Vol.1, 1996.
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